% of Peo­ple With African Heritage


Afghanistan: 0.018%
Alba­nia: 3.155%
Alge­ria: 98%
Amer­i­can Samoa: 0.149%
Andorra: 0.012%
Angola: 98.649%
Anguilla: 90.08%
Antigua and Bar­buda: 92%
Argentina: 0.124%
Arme­nia: 0.002%
Aruba: 24.038%
Aus­tralia: 1.399%
Aus­tria: 0.12%
Azer­bai­jan: 0.012%

Bahamas: 85%
Bahrain: 15%
Bangladesh: 0.315%
Bar­ba­dos: 90%
Belarus: 0.001%
Bel­gium: 0.703%
Belize: 31.25%
Benin: 96.926%
Bermuda: 61.538%
Bhutan: 0.008%
Bolivia: 1.155%
Bosnia and Herze­gov­ina: 0.003%
Botswana: 95.643%
Brazil: 45.26%
British Vir­gin Islands: 86.957%
Brunei: 0.1%
Bul­garia: 0.001%
Burk­ina Faso: 93.156%
Burundi: 97.675%

Cam­bo­dia: 0.007%
Cameroon: 98.161%
Canada: 2.995%
Cape Verde: 68%
Cay­man Islands: 63.83%
Cen­tral African Repub­lic: 98.8%
Chad: 88%
Chile: 0.119%
China: 0.008%
Colom­bia: 21.308%
Comoros: 90.909%
Congo-​Brazzaville: 92.887%
Cook Islands: 0.99%
Costa Rica: 3.133%
Côte d’Ivoire: 85.94%
Croa­tia: 0.002%
Cuba: 62%
Cyprus: 0.629%
Czech Repub­lic: 0.005%

Demo­c­ra­tic Repub­lic of the Congo: 98.091%
Den­mark: 0.547%
Dji­bouti: 96.478%
Dominica: 93%
Domini­can Repub­lic: 84%


East Timor: 0.009%
Ecuador: 3%
Egypt: 99.6%
El Sal­vador: 0.012%
Equa­to­r­ial Guinea: 97.81%
Eritrea: 98.659%
Esto­nia: 0.007%
Ethiopia: 98.261%


Falk­land Islands: 0.333%
Faroe Islands: 0.205%
Fiji: 1.208%
Fin­land: 0.019%
France: 9.306%
French Guiana: 66%
French Poly­ne­sia: 0.385%


Gabon: 81.3%
Gam­bia: 83.71%
Geor­gia: 0.023%
Ger­many: 0.73%
Ghana: 91.452%
Gibral­tar: 5%
Greece: 0.27%
Green­land: 0.017%
Grenada: 95%
Guade­loupe: 92%
Guam: 0.006%
Guatemala: 2%
Guernsey: 0.152%
Guinea: 94.682%
Guinea-​Bissau: 99.5%
Guyana: 36%


Haiti: 97.5%
Hon­duras: 2%
Hong Kong: 0.036%
Hun­gary: 0.01%


Ice­land: 0.031%
India: 2.5%
Indone­sia: 0.002%
Iran: 0.001%
Iraq: 0.034%
Ire­land: 0.226%
Isle of Man: 0.125%
Israel: 25.2%
Italy: 1.3%


Jamaica: 97.4%
Japan: 0.004%
Jer­sey: 0.112%
Jor­dan: 0.017%


Kaza­khstan: 0.001%
Kenya: 97.993%
Kiri­bati: 1.053%
Kuwait: 2%
Kyr­gyzs­tan: 0.002%


Laos: 0.017%
Latvia: 0.004%
Lebanon: 0.098%
Lesotho: 98.666%
Liberia: 97.477%
Libya: 97%
Liecht­en­stein: 2.828%
Lithua­nia: 0.003%
Lux­em­bourg: 0.207%


Macau: 0.186%
Mace­do­nia: 0.049%
Mada­gas­car: 98.661%
Malawi: 96.835%
Malaysia: 5%
Mal­dives: 3%
Mali: 98.66%
Malta: 0.024%
Mar­shall Islands: 0.017%
Mar­tinique: 72%
Mau­ri­ta­nia: 96.849%
Mau­ri­tius: 97%
May­otte: 91%
Mex­ico: 1.09%
Microne­sia: 0.901%
Moldova: 0.003%
Monaco: 0.303%
Mon­go­lia: 0.004%
Mon­tene­gro: 0.017%
Montser­rat: 65%
Morocco: 99%
Mozam­bique: 96.949%
Myan­mar: 0.01%


Namibia: 91.959%
Nauru: 1%
Nepal: 0%
Nether­lands: 1.823%
Nether­lands Antilles: 85%
New Cale­do­nia: 0.041%
New Zealand: 0.023%
Nicaragua: 9%
Niger: 98.112%
Nige­ria: 98.262%
Niue: 0.063%
North Korea: 0%
North­ern Mar­i­ana Islands: 0.119%
Nor­way: 0.021%


Oman: 8%


Pak­istan: 4.5%
Palau: 0.5%
Pales­tine: 2.33%
Panama: 14%
Papua New Guinea: 94.772%
Paraguay: 0.1%
Peru: 3%
Philip­pines: 0.01%
Pit­cairn Islands: 2%
Poland: 0.02%
Por­tu­gal: 2%
Puerto Rico: 8%


Qatar: 0.9%


Réu­nion: 68%
Roma­nia: 0.005%
Rus­sia: 0.014%
Rwanda: 97.661%


Saint Helena: 50%
Saint Kitts and Nevis: 98%
Saint Lucia: 82.5%
Saint Vin­cent and the Grenadines: 85%
Saint-​Barthélemy: 27.4%
Saint-​Martin: 53.5%
Saint-​Pierre and Miquelon: 0.163%
Samoa: 0.53%
San Marino: 0.032%
São Tomé and Príncipe: 93.8%
Saudi Ara­bia: 10%
Sene­gal: 96.204%
Ser­bia: 0.001%
Sey­chelles: 94%
Sierra Leone: 96.846%
Sin­ga­pore: 0.022%
Slo­va­kia: 0.002%
Slove­nia: 0.005%
Solomon Islands: 0.02%
Soma­lia: 95.573%
Soma­liland: 99%
South Africa: 98.6%
South Korea: 0.002%
Spain: 1.3%
Sri Lanka: 1.8%
Sudan: 97.273%
Suri­name: 47%
Swazi­land: 97%
Swe­den: 0.217%
Switzer­land: 0.327%
Syria: 0.1%


Tai­wan: 0.004%
Tajik­istan: 0.001%
Tan­za­nia: 96.934%
Thai­land: 0.002%
Togo: 96.022%
Toke­lau: 2.857%
Tonga: 10%
Trinidad and Tobago: 58%
Tunisia: 99.6%
Turkey: 4.25%
Turk­menistan: 0.002%
Turks and Caicos Islands: 34%
Tuvalu: 0.091%


U.S. Vir­gin Islands: 78%
Uganda: 97.124%
Ukraine: 0%
United Arab Emi­rates: 8.8%
United King­dom: 3%
United States of Amer­ica: 12.9%
Uruguay: 4%
Uzbek­istan: 0%


Van­u­atu: 0.044%
Vat­i­can City: 12.5%
Venezuela: 18.25%
Viet­nam: 0.1%


Wal­lis and Futuna: 0.667%
West­ern Sahara: 99%



Yemen: 35%


Zam­bia: 96.643%
Zim­babwe: 95.072%



Global: 34.227%

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Afghanistan Val­ues and World Cul­tural Exchange

DATE OF INDE­PEN­DENCE: August 19, 1919
LAN­GUAGE: Dari; Pashto; Turk­ish


Ahmad Shah Saduzay is con­sid­ered by some the father of Afghanistan and the founder of the Afghan nation. The land spans across South­ern Asia, north and west of Pak­istan, east of Iran. Its cap­i­tal is Kabul, and most of the coun­try is sparsely pop­u­lated. The nation name, “Afghanistan” is rel­a­tively recent. In ancient times, the land was known as Ari­ana and Bac­tria and it was named Kho­rasan in the Mid­dle Ages. Like all nations, Afghanistan’s geog­ra­phy has played a cen­tral role in its his­tory. Rel­a­tively inac­ces­si­ble, the moun­tain­ous coun­try is land­locked, and is sur­rounded by Pak­istan, Iran, Turk­menistan, Uzbek­istan, Tajik­istan, and China.


Afghans are a diverse mix of peo­ple with dif­fer­ent back­ground across the ages. They have his­tor­i­cally inher­ited a cross­bred vari­a­tion of Indian, Per­sian, Ara­bic, Greek, Turk­ish and Mon­go­lian genes.


Afghanistan main eth­nic groups are Pash­tun, 42 per­cent; Tajik, 27 per­cent; Haz­ara, 9 per­cent; Uzbek, 9 per­cent; Aimak (a Persian-​speaking nomadic group), 4 per­cent; Turk­men, 3 per­cent; and Baloch, 2 percent.


The peo­ple of Afghanistan are gov­erned by strict Islamic religious-​agenda. Although, Afghanistan has one of the old­est world his­tor­i­cal relics, namely the Bud­dhas of Bamyan, the coun­try is not a typ­i­cal tourist des­ti­na­tion. Much of this could be attrib­uted to the lack of ade­quate infra­struc­ture. This in turn could be attrib­uted to insta­bil­ity due to a long stand­ing record of Anglo-​Afghan bel­liger­ence and domes­tic feud. The atmos­phere is tense, due to the pres­ence of for­eign mil­i­tary occu­pa­tion and domes­tic feuds between polit­i­cal rivalry and reli­gious fun­da­men­tal­ists. The Afghans in gen­eral are resilient and remain hope­ful that the cri­sis that has caused so much pain to so many peo­ple shall one day come to pass.


Archae­o­log­i­cal evi­dence indi­cates that urban civ­i­liza­tion began in the region occu­pied by mod­ern Afghanistan between 3000 and 2000 B.C. The first his­tor­i­cal doc­u­ments date from the early part of the Iran­ian Achaemen­ian Dynasty, which con­trolled the region from 550 B.C. until 331 B.C. Between 330 and 327 B.C., Alexan­der the Great defeated the Achaemen­ian emperor Dar­ius III and sub­dued local resis­tance in the ter­ri­tory that is now Afghanistan. Alexan­der suc­ces­sors, the Seleu­cids, con­tin­ued to infuse the region with Greek cul­tural influ­ence. Shortly there­after, the Mau­ryan Empire of India gained con­trol of south­ern Afghanistan, bring­ing with it Bud­dhism. In the mid-​third cen­tury B.C., nomadic Kushans estab­lished an empire that became a cul­tural and com­mer­cial cen­ter. From the end of the Kushan Empire in the third cen­tury A.D. until the sev­enth cen­tury, the region was frag­mented and under the gen­eral pro­tec­tion of the Iran­ian Sas­san­ian Empire.

After defeat­ing the Sas­sa­ni­ans at the Bat­tle of Qadisiya in 637, Arab Mus­lims began a 100-​year process of con­quer­ing the Afghan tribes and intro­duc­ing Islam. In 1919 Afghanistan signed the Treaty of Rawalpindi, which ended the Third Anglo-​Afghan War and marks Afghanistan offi­cial date of inde­pen­dence. In the inter­war period, Afghanistan again was a bal­anc­ing point between two world pow­ers; Habibul­lah son Aman­ul­lah (ruled 191929) skill­fully manip­u­lated the new British-​Soviet rivalry and estab­lished rela­tions with major coun­tries. Aman­ul­lah intro­duced his coun­try first con­sti­tu­tion in 1923. How­ever, resis­tance to his domes­tic reform pro­gram forced his abdi­ca­tion in 1929. In 1933 Aman­ul­lah nephew Moham­mad Zahir Shah, the last king of Afghanistan, began a 40-​year reign.

A new con­sti­tu­tion, rat­i­fied in 1964, lib­er­al­ized some­what the con­sti­tu­tional monar­chy while eco­nomic and polit­i­cal con­di­tions wors­ened. In 1979 the threat of tribal insur­gency against the com­mu­nist gov­ern­ment trig­gered an inva­sion by 80,000 Soviet troops, who then endured a very effec­tive decade-​long guer­rilla war. Between 1979 and 1989, two Soviet-​sponsored regimes failed to defeat the loose fed­er­a­tion of Mujahideen guer­ril­las that opposed the occu­pa­tion. In 1988 the Soviet Union agreed to cre­ate a neu­tral Afghan state, and the last Soviet troops left Afghanistan in 1989. In 1992 Afghanistan descended into a civil war that fur­ther rav­aged the econ­omy and cre­ated power strug­gles among sev­eral armed groups. An Islamic fun­da­men­tal­ist group, the Tal­iban, gained con­trol of most of the coun­try in 1996 and began assert­ing repres­sive con­trol of soci­ety in effort to rid the Afghans off cer­tain for­eign influ­ence, espe­cially west­ern civ­i­liza­tion. Ignor­ing an inter­na­tional out­cry, Supreme Com­man­der of the Tal­iban Mul­lah Moham­mad Omar ordered the destruc­tion of all non Islamic religious-​statues in Afghanistan. The destruc­tion of scores of pre-​Islamic fig­ures, includ­ing the centuries-​old Bud­dha in Bamiyan, ensued in cam­paign to stop the wor­ship­ing of “false idols,” through­out the country.

Afghanistan’s puri­tan­i­cal Tal­iban wel­comed Islamic fun­da­men­tal­ist groups, includ­ing the Arab ter­ror­ist orga­ni­za­tion al Qaeda in Afghanistan. As al Qaeda com­mit­ted a series of inter­na­tional ter­ror­ist acts cul­mi­nat­ing in attacks on the United States on Sep­tem­ber 11, 2001, the Tal­iban rejected inter­na­tional pres­sure to sur­ren­der al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden. When the United States and allies attacked Afghanistan in the fall of 2001, the Tal­iban gov­ern­ment col­lapsed, but Tal­iban and al Qaeda lead­ers escaped. And, the United States–led Inter­na­tional Secu­rity Assis­tance Force invaded Afghanistan and help install a new government.


There is a large pres­ence and long his­tory of Arabs in Afghanistan. Some of these eth­nic Arabs are from Africa. The rela­tion­ship span sev­eral cen­turies from eth­nic Arab fight­ers who migrated to the area dur­ing con­flicts dat­ing back from the 7th cen­tury till the recent Soviet-​Afghan War when they assisted fel­low Mus­lims in fight­ing the Sovi­ets and pro-​Soviet Afghans. There has been more pres­ence of peo­ple of African descent in Afghanistan since the Amer­i­can inva­sion in 2002, mostly in mil­i­tary ser­vice, human­i­tar­ian orga­ni­za­tion ser­vices or rare inci­dent of tourism.


As Afghanistan strug­gles with mod­ern dilem­mas, how­ever, it con­tin­ues to exhibit intense tribal and wide­spread eco­nomic hard­ship increas­ingly weak­ened the new gov­ern­ment sup­port among the pop­u­la­tion. Cor­rup­tion and nepo­tism is preva­lent in the government.

A major inter­nal secu­rity fac­tor has been crim­i­nal and ter­ror­ist activ­ity asso­ci­ated with the pros­per­ous drug trade. Drug-​processing lab­o­ra­to­ries are located through­out the coun­try, tra­di­tional infor­mal finan­cial net­works laun­der nar­cotics prof­its, and some provin­cial and national gov­ern­ment offi­cials have been impli­cated in the drug trade.

Afghanistan had the high­est pro­por­tion of wid­ows and orphans (respec­tively, 1 mil­lion and 1.6 mil­lion in 2005) in the world. Large num­bers of dis­abled indi­vid­u­als and for­mer mem­bers of regional mili­tias also lack a means of sup­port. The gov­ern­ment has pro­vided very lit­tle wel­fare pro­tec­tion. Most of the wel­fare activ­ity in the coun­try has been pro­vided by inter­na­tional non­govern­men­tal orga­ni­za­tions (NGOs), such as the Afghan Health and Devel­op­ment Ser­vices, Afghan Women Edu­ca­tion Cen­ter, and human­i­tar­ian Assis­tance for the Women and Chil­dren of Afghanistan, and by United Nations orga­ni­za­tions. NGOs also work with Afghan refugees in other coun­tries, espe­cially Pak­istan.


The Bonn Agree­ment of 2001 estab­lished the Afghan Inde­pen­dent Human Rights Com­mis­sion (AIHRC) to inves­ti­gate human rights abuses and war crimes. In 2005 the gov­ern­ment passed a three-​year Action Plan on Peace, Rec­on­cil­i­a­tion and Jus­tice in Afghanistan, whose goals were sup­posed to be met by the end of 2008. Those goals included doc­u­men­ta­tion of crimes com­mit­ted since the Soviet inva­sion of 1979, pros­e­cu­tion of human rights vio­la­tors, and com­pen­sa­tion of vic­tims families.

How­ever, as of mid-​2008 the gov­ern­ment had made only lit­tle progress toward ful­fill­ing the plan. In the early 2000s, some types of human rights vio­la­tions con­tin­ued, par­tic­u­larly out­side the region con­trolled by the cen­tral gov­ern­ment. The National Secu­rity Direc­torate, Afghanistan national secu­rity agency, has been accused of run­ning its own pris­ons, tor­tur­ing sus­pects, and harass­ing jour­nal­ists. The secu­rity forces of local mili­tias, which also have their own pris­ons, have been accused of tor­ture and arbi­trary killings. War­lords in the north have used prop­erty destruc­tion, rape, and mur­der to dis­cour­age dis­placed Pash­tuns from reclaim­ing their homes. Child labor and traf­fick­ing in peo­ple remain com­mon out­side Kabul. Civil­ians fre­quently have been killed in bat­tles between war­lord forces. A prison reha­bil­i­ta­tion pro­gram began in 2003, but poor con­di­tions in the over­crowded pris­ons have con­tributed to ill­ness and death among pris­on­ers. In the absence of an effec­tive national judi­cial sys­tem, the right to judi­cial pro­tec­tion has been com­pro­mised as uneven local stan­dards have pre­vailed in crim­i­nal trials.

The gov­ern­ment has lim­ited free­dom of the media by selec­tive crack­downs that invoke Islamic law, and self-​censorship of the media has been encour­aged. The media remain sub­stan­tially government-​owned. In 2004 a media law nom­i­nally lifted restric­tions on some media activ­ity but con­tin­ued to for­bid crit­i­ciz­ing Islam or insult­ing offi­cials. Jour­nal­ists and legal experts crit­i­cized the nom­i­nally lesser restric­tions of the 2004 law, and harass­ment and threats con­tin­ued in 2008, espe­cially out­side Kabul. The com­mis­sion that over­sees the press includes no rep­re­sen­ta­tives of the news media, and the press law per­mits gov­ern­ment cen­sor­ship of the news. No reg­is­tra­tion of reli­gious groups is required; minor­ity reli­gious groups are able to prac­tice freely but not to proselytize.

Women right to work out­side the home, includ­ing polit­i­cal activ­ity, has received increas­ing accep­tance in the early 2000s. The con­sti­tu­tion of 2004 makes an explicit com­mit­ment to the advance­ment of women and to gen­der equal­ity, and 25 per­cent of the seats in the lower house of the National Assem­bly are des­ig­nated for women. How­ever, con­ser­v­a­tive ele­ments in the judi­ciary have demanded sep­a­rate edu­ca­tion and a strict dress code for women. In rural areas, the social sta­tus of women remains low. They are denied access to edu­ca­tion and jobs and often not allowed to leave their homes with­out a male rel­a­tive. An esti­mated 80 per­cent of Afghan women enter forced mar­riages. In the early 2000s, poverty forced many women to enter the sex trade; their num­ber is believed to have increased sig­nif­i­cantly since 2001, when it was esti­mated at 25,000.



• Afghan Net­work
• Afghan Con­nec­tion and Gems from Cen­tral Asia
• Afghan News Chan­nel


AUTHOR: Wale Idris
CON­TACT: This email address is being pro­tected from spam­bots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
PHONE: 6462260262


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Sus­tain­able Devel­op­ment Indi­ca­tors for Afghanistan in details:

The chang­ing pro­files of a soci­ety in this nation or ter­ri­tory are cap­tured through a host of vital sta­tis­ti­cal indi­ca­tors. African Views facil­i­tates these sta­tis­ti­cal indi­ca­tors for every­one to iden­tify, com­pare and express their agree­ment or dis­agree­ment about the rat­ings, as well as share your views on a host of national con­di­tions and issues. Your con­tri­bu­tion will go towards the col­lec­tive knowl­edge and wis­dom required to explore empir­i­cal from nor­ma­tive argu­ments, espe­cially those argu­ments that rely on hid­den or ques­tion­able principles.

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